Malawi 2004 - 2007 |
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Democracy In Malawi
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Playing At Politics One of the colonial legacies bequeathed to Malawi is a Parliamentary system. It not quite a copy of the Westminster model - there is a President presiding over a single house. Malawi has a written Constitution and Bill of Rights. However, lots of the procedure is copied from the U.K. For example, the Speaker wears a wig and red robe instead of African costume; Mp's are 'the honorable' so and so; People speak English rather than Chichewa; They talk about 'this House' and 'points of order' as well as any plummy public school MP from the U.K. The problem is that Malawian politicians have had only ten years to practice being democrats. It easier to copy the form of Parliamentary procedure than develop a deep feeling for and understanding of the philosophies and ideals. Much of this new fangled approach is alien to traditional African culture and follows thirty years of Dr Banda's single party dictatorship. People involved with Anti-Apartite politics hated Hastings Banda, the only African friend South Africa. Educated Malawians who suffered oppression, violation, and even death under his rule hate him. The people remember his rule fondly. In his day, the story goes, there was no famine, criminality was almost unknown, the streets were spotlessly clean, rural areas had fertiliser and training institutes and the kwatcha was worth as much as western currencies. The view that I have formed in discussion with Malawian people is that there is truth in both views. Dr Kamuzu Hastings Banda was, like most of his generation of African freedom fighters, educated in top universities, returning with English standards and values, but radicalised against colonial rule. Nkhruma, Kenyata, Nyeri, and Banda all led the fight for independence and became strong leaders who recognised that Democracy was a difficult system for their countries at a time of transition. They saw the need for strong leadership and the cold war provided the soil in which strong leadership could turn into evergreen dictatorship. Democracy was a hot-house bloom that could not survive the harsh winds of opposition Kamuzu, was a hugely intelligent politician, who's main concern was the welfare of his people. Even if it meant the sacrifice of other Africans he knew what would bring in the bucks. Surrounded by Russian-sponsored socialist regimes in Zambia, Mozambique and Tanzania he was the island of U.S. influence. Surrounded by front line States in the struggle against the South African regime he was their only friend. The result was the building of Lilongwe, strong trade links and relative prosperity in a land-locked country and not least, stability. I have felt that what this man possessed behind the brutality of a police state was a deep understanding of his people, how they lived, what they thought and what they needed. He is remembered fondly because his patriarchal style hit the G spot of the village population. In many ways he was the perfect transitional figure. He was an African colonial figure. He wore a tailcoat, spoke mainly English, never married, imposed Victorian standards. Hair must be cut short even for visitors, women must not wear trousers, poor quality housing must be demolished and built to high standards, elite educational and sporting facilities should lead the way. In the villages and the cities everyone must contribute one week each year to community projects. Roads were mended, schools were built, village projects were completed. Chichewa was imposed as the national language and used as way to create a national identity amongst the tribes. This was all enforced by the apparatus of a police state. Police were uncontrolled, young pioneers provided the menace, wives were encouraged to report the transgressions of husbands, justice was based on personal caprice, party cards had to be carried. On public holidays people were not allowed to come out of their house, work, laugh or anything, unless it was for the adulation of Kamuzu. Apologists who still love him say it was not him who did wrong, but the people who surrounded him. When the force for change became irresistible Banda was a man in his early nineties. He was defeated in an election, which he allowed, and interestingly accepted that his time was over and melted into the background. His legacy was a country that had not been encouraged or needed to think about anything for 30 years. It was wide-open for the hoods. John Tembo the leader of Banda's MCP party was an enforcer, Muluzi, a Muslim Yao UDF leader, was the focus of the unthinking tribal loyalty of the populous south. This led to the triumphal plundering of the country under the name of multi-party democracy. Standards were dismantled, people were told that democracy meant they could not be forced to work for nothing in their villages. It was seen as licence to do as you wish. Corruption became a way of life and popularity was based upon bribes - hands-out of 100 or 200 kwatcha to adoring people at rallies to major corruption scandals. Eventually donors withdrew support, and Muluzi and his friends borrowed huge amounts of money to satisfy their appetites. The game show of politics allows the President two terms in which he may grab as much as can be fitted into his pockets. When the buzzer sounded for the end of the show Muluzi was not satisfied. He decided to come back next week and tried to change the constitution. The churches led a campaign to stop him. What could he do? Bingu wa Mutharika was a seventy year-old man of the west. He was a career economist just about to disembark from the U.N. gravy train. Perfect. He could be trusted to be the technician for the economy and could be controlled. The UDF had him elected against a background of grumbling from discarded candidates and people who resented his Zimbabwean wife and lack of domicile over the last decade. Bingu was a surprise. His contact with the west, his educational background and lack of political debt to others in Malawi made him dangerous to the under-educated Muluzi. Anti-corruption measures started to get closer to the ex-president. UDF gourmands were kept away from the trough, failing to be appointed to the cabinet and policies were designed to please western donors. The two men started to bicker in the media. This began to escalate. UDF vehicles were seized by tax officials because Muluzi had avoided tax, UDF leaders were charged with corruption, Mutharika was out of control and not following party policies. He was expelled from the National Executive. Eventually rumours emerged that he would form his own party, which led to the birth of the DPP. It was the opportunity Muluzi had been waiting for. The new DPP was a minority party. If John Tembo's MCP and Muluzi's UDF voted together they could out vote the President. The donors were full of praise for the approach of the new President and had turned on the money tap. But this was of no interest to those who could not get wet. The President must go. This all brings us to the show, that is Malawi's short running democracy farce in which MPs rush out of the closet only to find their trousers around their ankles. The UDF decided that the provision for impeachment was the way to kick out the rogue President. First step - block the budget. The day of the presentation of the budget was unremarkable. Bingu outlined his achievements and highlighted his main themes for the coming year. Next day the two big opposition parties muscled their way into the process. The budget speech was rejected. MPs cheered and almost burst with pleasure. The following day the UDF announced its plans to take the first step in the impeachment. This also succeeded. Now the fat was in the fire and Government operators started to plead with opposition MPs not to go ahead with the process. But go ahead they would. A debate was called to agree to start the impeachment proceedings. UDF members had been shaking with fear when asked to propose the motion. It held no fear for 'Soldier' Banda, the singing MP who was a household name as a reggae star and a radical turned establishment. This bull of a man was also a bull with the media. He was uncompromising. The President had sacked the poor Police Commissioner and Public Prosecutor, he must be impeached. " Didn't Muluzi also sack people?" " If I had been around then I would have impeached him too." By the time the debate started everyone was operating on high voltage energy. This was unlimited adrenaline - what fun. The Speaker was struggling. He had to make a decision in front of the baying hounds. He decided that the decision should go to a Standing Committee that should make a decision on procedure. This could not be allowed. The UDF had already dealt with the Committee. MPs began to shout at each other. People came close to fighting. Insults were spat across the chamber. The Speaker became agitated - he lost control. As a female Minister and opposition MP stood toe to toe the Speaker fell back into his chair and slid to the floor. At first this only registered with a few people. Someone tried to give first aid. The Deputy Speaker took the chair. As people registered that something was wrong the over-inflated balloon popped. Silence reigned as medical help arrived and the Speaker was stretchered out. Outside, MPs gathered talking quietly, some were in tears. Shock and bewilderment took over. Next day the media uncovered the lack of skill of the politicians. People looked for someone to blame for the Speaker's collapse. " You were the last to shout at him" "No the minister would not sit down.". "If you had not introduced the impeachment motion it wouldn't have happened." Lucius Banda put on another Bullish front. No he was not sorry for the motion. Illness can strike any time etc etc. The Speaker was flown to South Africa, where three days later he died. Parliament was paralysed - nothing is more important than a death and the following funeral. The Speaker's death was the key issue. The eye of the storm provided the calm for the donor voice to be heard. ' You will loose your IMF funding if you do not pass a budget in the next two days.' ' you risk the trust built up with the donor community (the main Government funding). No money is available for hospitals. Marches took place across the country against the opposition tactics. CEYCA staff became very excited at this opportunity to join in the fun. They spent two days making banners whilst the Executive Director spent the same amount of time on the phone enjoying his time in the spotlight, giving interviews, organising responses and chewing over the issues. The funeral was covered live on the radio and T.V and political speeches were made saying how this needless death was caused by the others and now should lead to peace. On the day the Parliament resumed a big march was joined by students from Chancellor college who ran riot and were tear-gassed. It was now impossible for the opposition to block the budget. Instead the inept decision was to pass a four month budget - just the thing to create uncertainty for the economy and the important donor community. Pigs at the trough rarely lift their heads to view the farm.
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